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Lazy,
Job-Stealing Immigrants? Nativist Nonsense Distorts a Critical Issue
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Hispanic immigrants are a large part of U.S. home
building. Above, a home under
construction in Sandy Springs, Ga., this month. |
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Day laborers vie for the attention of a potential
employer at a hiring center in Laguna Beach last summer.
Fallout from the U.S. construction industry, which
employs 1 in 5 Hispanic immigrants, is being felt in
Mexico. |
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WASHINGTON (By Sebastian Mallaby, Washington
Post) April 30, 2007 There are a few in Washington doing their pragmatic best to secure
immigration reform by honorably laboring to revive some version of the
bipartisan bill that got 62 votes in the Senate last year. But watching this
torturous process is enough to make a sane person scream. The livelihoods of
millions are at stake, yet most immigration pronouncements are nonsense.
People accuse immigrants of gang violence, drunken driving and a general
contempt for the law. But in 2000 the incarceration rate for immigrants was just
one-fifth the rate for the population as a whole, according to Kristin Butcher
of the Federal Reserve and Anne Morrison Piehl of Rutgers University.
People say immigrants are feckless and lazy. But in California in 2004, 94
percent of undocumented men ages 18 to 64 were in the workforce, compared with
82 percent of native-born men. Far from being part of a shiftless underclass,
the act of coming to the United States makes immigrants among the most upwardly
mobile groups in the nation, only a bit behind hedge-fund managers.
People say, contrariwise, that immigrants steal jobs from native-born Americans.
But economists have patiently explained for years that there is no finite "lump
of labor" in an economy. The presence of migrants causes new jobs to be created:
Factories that might have gone abroad spring up in Arizona or Texas. Hasn't
anyone noticed that California, where fully one-third of the adult population is
foreign born, has an unemployment rate of less than 5 percent?
People say that immigrants burden social services while not paying taxes.
Actually, undocumented immigrants are ineligible for welfare, food stamps and
Medicaid; and although they do use hospital emergency rooms and schools, they
also pay sales taxes and payroll taxes, and one in three pays income tax. The
net result is that immigrants cost the average native U.S. household an extra
$200 in taxes each year, according to a study of 1996 data. Once you take into
account the boost to pretax incomes caused by immigrants' contribution to
growth, the total effect of undocumented workers on native-born Americans is
roughly zero, according to Gordon Hanson of the University of California at San
Diego.
People say that immigrants cause wage losses even if they don't cause job
losses. Here the story is subtle: Some studies find no evidence that immigrants
pull down wages, while others find that native-born high school dropouts lost as
much as 9 percent of their earnings between 1980 and 2000 as a result of
immigration. But -- and here comes the sane scream -- there's no way that even a
9 percent wage loss can justify the policies that immigration hawks advocate.
Really, how much could draconian enforcement restore those wages? Between a
quarter and two-fifths of undocumented workers originally enter legally, so
stringent border enforcement could only affect about two-thirds of new arrivals.
Moreover, arrivals are only part of the issue; the alleged downward pressure on
wages comes less from the 400,000 illegal immigrants who show up each year than
from the 35 million immigrants already here, two-thirds of them legally. And
migrants will continue coming even if the entire southern border is walled off.
Europe has a wall called the Mediterranean. It still has illegal immigrants.
Thanks to intensive enforcement over the past year, illegal immigration from
Mexico is thought to have fallen by a quarter. Suppose even more spending could
cut the number of illegal entrants from 400,000 to 200,000 a year, so that 2
million arrivals could be prevented over a 10-year period. Add in an aggressive
deportation program that ejected 1 million illegals, and you are still only
scratching the surface. Even if immigration has driven down wages for high
school dropouts by 9 percent, it's hard to see how truly vicious
counter-immigration policies could drive them up by more than about 2 percent.
That simply can't be worth it. Border security does not come cheap: We could
save money on unmanned aerial drones and use it to help high-school dropouts
with a more generous earned-income tax credit. And although the concern for
high-school dropouts is welcome, it must be weighed against the aspirations of
migrants. Is it right to push native workers' pay up by 2 percent if that means
depriving poor Mexicans of a chance to triple their incomes?
Of course it isn't, and given that the total economic effect of immigration on
U.S. households is a wash, the big ramp-up in enforcement spending beloved by
immigration hawks is an egregious waste of money. But no politician is going to
say that. Candidates with a good record on immigration -- Rudy Giuliani, Hillary
Clinton, John McCain -- are trying to avoid the issue. And the demagogues and
nativists are allowed to spout unchallenged nonsense.
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