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It is Time to Demythologize Goldwater by Telling the Truth, Goldwater was a Racist

"You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger. By 1968 you can't say 'nigger' -- that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like States' Rights," — Lee Atwater.

 

Goldwater was the Champion of "States' Rights," Code for Anti Civil Rights

 

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"Gordon, There you Go Again."

During the first part of the Carter-Reagan debate, the issues of Iran, the hostages, and terrorism were discussed. This was followed by a second round in which arms control, the energy problem, and social security were covered. At the point Jimmy Carter began to attack Reagan on his record concerning Medicare. Reagan responded to Carter, screwed himself up to his full height, looked at the president of the United States and said, shaking his head, "There you go again." Ronald Reagan corrected the president of the United States as if he were a fresh-faced stumbling school boy.


States' Rights is a euphemism or doublespeak accepted as code to achieve something on a state level which can not be accomplished on a federal level. "States' Rights" is a naked exposed play against Civil Rights laws.

States' Rights superficially took on the patina of a broader meaning than simply a reference to Civil Rights laws, eventually encompassing federalism as the means to forestall Federal intervention in the culture wars.

Lee Atwater discusses politics in the South:

 

Lee Atwater: You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you can't say 'nigger' -- that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, States' Rights and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract now that you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you're talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is that Blacks get hurt worse than whites.

And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me -- because obviously sitting around saying, "We want to cut this," is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than "Nigger, nigger."

PHOENIX (By Jon Garrido, Arizona News) November 3, 2006 — Arizona State University is working on a plan that would preserve and showcase Goldwater and his papers in a multistory library and archival building bearing his name. The new library would be located in downtown Phoenix.


A major fund-raising campaign will be launched after Jan. 1, with the goal of raising $20 million to $30 million to construct the building near ASU's downtown Phoenix campus.

"Having this downtown would be a tremendous coup for the city of Phoenix," Mayor Phil Gordon said. "Certainly, a building like this, named after one of our greatest senators, would be an amazing thing."

It would also be racist.

 

The Southern Strategy

 

In American politics, the Southern strategy refers to the focus of the Republican party on winning U.S. Presidential elections by securing the electoral votes of the U.S. Southern states.

The phrase, Southern strategy, was coined by Nixon strategist Kevin Phillips. For the years 1948 - 1984, the southern states, traditionally a stronghold for the Democratic Party became key swing states, providing the popular vote margins in the Presidential elections 1960, 1968 and 1976. During this era, several Republican candidates expressed support for States' Rights, which American Blacks have argued was intended as a signal of opposition to federal Civil Rights legislation for Blacks.

States' Rights is a euphemism or doublespeak accepted as anti Civil Rights code to achieve stopping Civil Rights on a state level which could not be accomplished on a federal level.

Pre-History of the Southern Strategy

After the American Civil War, Southern states gained seats in the U.S. House of Representatives and representation in the Electoral College since Blacks were fully counted, instead of being counted as only three-fifths of a person, for election purposes.

The South solidly became Democratic.

It was not until 1928 that the situation changed. In that year, Republican candidate Herbert Hoover rode the issues of prohibition and anti-Catholicism to carry five former Confederate states, with 62 of the 126 electoral votes of the section. After his monumental victory, Hoover attempted to build up the Republican Party of the South, transferring patronage away from Blacks and toward the same kind of white Protestant businessmen who made up the core of the Northern Republican Party.

In 1948, a group of Democratic congressmen, led by Governor Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, founded the States Rights Democratic or Dixiecrat Party, which ran Thurmond as its presidential candidate. This was a split from the Democrats in reaction to an anti-segregation speech given by Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota,

In addition to the splits in the Democratic Party, the population movements of World War II had a significant effect on the makeup of the South. The addition of many Northern transplants significantly bolstered the base of the Republican Party in the South.

Enter Republican Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona

Many States' Rights Democrats were attracted to the 1964 presidential campaign of Goldwater who was notably more conservative than previous Republican nominees, such as Dwight D. Eisenhower.

Goldwater's principle opponent in the primary election, Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York, was widely seen as representing the more moderate and pro-Civil Rights Northern wing of the party. Rockefeller's defeat in the primary is seen as one turning point towards a more conservative Republican party and the beginning of a long decline for moderate and especially liberal Republicans. Goldwater's primary victory is also seen as a shift of the center of Republican power to the West and South.

In the 1964 presidential race, Barry Goldwater ran a very conservative campaign, primarily with an emphasis on "States' Rights." As a conservative, Goldwater broadly opposed strong action by the federal government. Goldwater favored the Rights of the states. Namely because a defeat of Civil Rights could not be won on a national level leaving the only alternative — winning in a few individual states where anti Black sentiments prevailed. States' Rights was thus born as a label and movement to defeat giving Civil Rights to Blacks.

Goldwater oppose the Civil Rights Act of 1964. His stance based on his view of States' Rights has been interpreted as an appeal to racist white Southern Democrats, and undoubtedly attracted a few conservative anti Civil Rights bases.

Fortunately, Goldwater's voting "nay" on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 proved devastating to Goldwater's campaign, contributing to his landslide defeat in 1964. One Johnson ad, "Confessions of a Republican" ran in the North, and associated Goldwater with the Ku Klux Klan.

The labeling of Goldwater as one and the same mentality as the KKK was an accurate portrayal.

At the same time, Johnson's campaign in the Deep South publicized Goldwater's full history on Civil Rights. In the end, Johnson swept the election, including a significant majority in the South. However, besides the home state of Arizona, Goldwater managed to pick off five deep South states: Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina, because of Goldwater's anti-Civil Rights position.

Roots of the Southern Strategy

In the election of 1968, Richard Nixon saw the cracks in the Solid South as an opportunity to tap into a group of voters that had heretofore been beyond the reach of the Republican Party. The United States was undergoing a very turbulent period in 1968. The founder of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and most influential member of the Civil Rights Movement, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated on April 4, 1968. His death was followed by Black rioting throughout the country. Martin Luther King's policy of non-violence was being challenged by more radical Blacks and by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. There were protests, often violent, against the Vietnam War. The drug subculture was causing alarm in many sectors.

Nixon, with the aid of Harry Dent and then South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond, who had switched to the Republican party in 1964, ran on a campaign of States' Rights and "law and order." Many liberals accused Nixon of pandering to racist Southern whites, especially with regards to his "States' Rights" and "law and order" stands.

As a result, every state that had been in the Confederacy, except Texas, voted for either Nixon or George Wallace, a Southern Democrat running as an independent, despite a strong tradition of supporting Democrats. Meanwhile, Nixon parlayed a wide perception as a moderate into wins in other states, taking a solid majority in the electoral college.

Code Words

Nixon was able to appear this way to most Americans, because the strategy often consisted of code words that meant nothing to most Americans, but were emotionally charged for those in the south.

Evolution of the Southern Strategy

As Civil Rights grew more accepted throughout the nation, basing a general election strategy on appeals to "States' Rights" as a naked play against Civil Rights laws would have resulted in a national backlash. In addition, the idea of "States' Rights" superficially took on the patina of a broader meaning than simply a reference to Civil Rights laws, eventually encompassing federalism as the means to forestall Federal intervention in the culture wars.

On August 4, 1980, Ronald Reagan, as a candidate, delivered a speech near Philadelphia, Mississippi at the annual Neshoba County Fair. Reagan excited the crowd wild when he announced, "I believe in States' Rights. I believe we have distorted the balance of our government today by giving powers that were never intended to be given in the Constitution to that federal establishment." He went on to promise to "restore to states and local governments the power that properly belongs to them." Philadelphia was the scene of the June 21, 1964 murder of Civil Rights workers James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner, and this speech is used to demonstrate Reagan's alleged hidden racist code message.

Charges of racism have been lodged in subsequent Republican races for the House and Senate in the South. The Willie Horton commercials used by supporters of George H.W. Bush in the election of 1988 were considered by many to be racist. Other examples include the 1990 re-election campaign of Jesse Helms, which attacked his opponent's alleged support of "racial quotas," most notably through an ad in which a white person's hands are seen crumpling a letter indicating that he was denied a job because of the color of his skin. Most professional academics, historians, political scientists, sociologists, culture critics, as well as Democratic party supporters argue that support for what conservative acolytes depict as a new "Federalism" in the Republican party platform is, and always has been, nothing but a code word for the politics of resentment, of which racism provides the fuel.

Bob Herbert, a New York Times columnist, reported in the October 6, 2005 edition of the New York Times of a 1981 interview with Lee Atwater, published in Southern Politics in the 1990s by Prof. Alexander P. Lamis, in which Lee Atwater discusses politics in the South:

"You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you can't say 'nigger' -- that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, States' Rights and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract now that you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you're talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is that Blacks get hurt worse than whites."

"And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me -- because obviously sitting around saying, 'We want to cut this,' is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than 'Nigger, nigger.'"

Modern Appraisal in the Republican Party

Following the 2004 re-election of President George W. Bush and the low number of African Americans voting for him and other Republicans, the Chairman of the Republican National Committee and Bush's campaign manager Ken Mehlman began an extensive tour to deliver speeches at meetings with African American business leaders, community and religious leaders, church meetings and some college students meets in states like Maryland and New Jersey. Mehlman apologized for the Southern strategy, declaring that the Republican Party would never be complete or a majority party without receiving the support and confidence of the African American community. Mehlman was said to be building a comprehensive effort to open the minds of African American voters to voting Republican, and working to combat stereotypes about the Republican Party that developed in the Civil Rights era and owing to the Southern strategy.

Many prominent Republican and conservative commentators have denounced Mehlman for his apology, Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity among them.

Phoenix, Arizona

Goldwater's politics began in Phoenix as a city councilman. Goldwater's politics of States' Rights to oppose Civil Rights began to take bloom in downtown Phoenix. Building a 100,000 square foot monument in downtown Phoenix would be an affront to the Phoenix African American community. It is an outrage Black American leaders should have to suffer once again over States' Rights, code for nigger, nigger, nigger.

The best thing that ever happened to the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s is Barry Goldwater lost his bid to become president of the United States by a landslide.

If Goldwater had won, the United States would not have Civil Rights and equal justice for all. Blacks would still be riding in the back of City of Phoenix buses and forced to use their own restrooms. The Orpheum and Herberger Theatres, Chase Field, and US Airways Center would all have two entrances. Front grand entrances for whites. Back dark small doors for Blacks to use.

This would have been the world of Barry Goldwater if he had not been stopped and now Gordon wants to build a monument in downtown Phoenix to honor this anti Civil Rights villain.

To those that support building this monument to a anti Civil Rights racist, align themselves with Goldwater's philosophy on States' Rights over Civil Rights. Endorsing and promoting Goldwater's legacy exposes one's true colors and lacks empathy for African Americans.

The Goldwater Library would be no different than having the KKK burn a cross on Patriots Square Park. Shame on you, Gordon, for even considering a Goldwater monument.

James Sensenbrenner energized the Hispanic marches this year with one word — felon.

Gordon now has his own word — Goldwater.

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